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Netto Dolphin

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Although in the subsequent years, more specifically in 1976, the plan to meet dimmed and suffering innumerable critical, the government was remained in the search for its objectives, that had been to a large extent reached. The strategies adopted in 1974, that they aimed at to brake the importations, to decelerate the growth of the economy and to adjust the interchange relationships if they had reflected in 1977, when the economy if stabilized and the commercial transactions if they had balanced. However, at the moment that reached the waited stability, the country was affected by as the shock of the oil, that made the value of the liquid fuel importations to jump of US$ 4 billion for US$10 billions between 1981 and 1982, causing an explosion in the taxes of interests and thus increasing the external accounts. The fall of the capacity to matter required a reply of the country, that would have to come by means of the addition of measures to PND II, to reduce the fuel consumption, to increase the exportations and mainly to substitute and to reduce importation. In way to these problems, in 1979, Netto Dolphin comes back as Minister of the Planning, that, at the same time where it did not admit the contraction, defined strategies to take the country ' ' in return to the economy of mercado' '. The minister affirmed that what lacked to the country was a treatment of shock in 1973, therefore Brazil started to consume very beyond what its capacity allowed, what resulted in an increase in the taxes of interests and deficit in the current transactions. Thus, in 1981, Netto dolphin turned it a plan of adjustment that provided a considerable increase in the internal saving, lined up the relative prices between some sectors, eliminated the subsidies and reduced the intervention of the government in the economy.

General

Prouni Terceirizao

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Making a impartial analysis of the ProUni measure it is possible to notice that it it has more economic character of what educational, following the molds of current econmico liberalism. For 3 main facts that I go to cite. The first one of them is referring to the benefits that the ProUni brings to the government, more people with diploma of superior education, bigger approval of the population to the current government, greater hand of specialized workmanship (but of a specific type I will comment later) and believes or not reduction of costs. The cost of a student in a federal college arrives to be of times bigger of what a scholarship holder of prouni, on average. Without counting that the necessary investment, currently, to increase vacant in the federal ones is very high, then we can characterize the ProUni as terceiriao of the education, and as all terceirizao aims at a reduction in the costs. As the point is the demand of the country of specialized man power, but in a similar level to the technician, this is the current paper of the great majority of the facultieses particular of the country, and the government, perceiving this, instead of constructing facultieses in this style bet in the ProUni that is much more in account, the test of this, they are the affirmations of the proper particular institutions that allege to have more operating professors in the market and go for the side most practical of education, for who it does not know that is characteristic of the man power technique, and leaves for its state federal justinian codes/, the formation of man power highly specialized (master and doctors), therefore these facultieses already in the graduation stimulate to this; again characterizing the terceirizao of the education.

I finish it point is the advantage that prouni brings capital greater of turn of what it would bring in public institutions, therefore the particular institutions in the end searchs profit and the public ones only arcam with operational costs (professors, infrastructure, etc).Prouni also serves to mask the precariousness of the education of the public net, making with that its pupils compete between itself showing the enormous abyss, also educational does not enter the Brazilian social classrooms. We can conclude this as a classic socioeconmica measure of one ' ' country primrio' ' as Brazil always was, that it has its advantages in disadvantages. Between the advantages we have as more the notable the demand of allied necessary man power to a low cost, and as negative points we have the lack of competitiveness in the market what it generates minor quality of professionals, and the social stagnation, therefore the middle classes and high continue hegemonizando the education. The judgment of efficient the ProUni as measured goes of what each one to judge that socioeconmico growth wait of Brazil, therefore the ProUni is clearly a measure of of a country that does not search the development in mass of its technology, leaves therefore it only at the hands of the middle class and high, I number diminishing it of ' ' mentes' ' , but at the same time it guarantees man power for specialized sectors, the emergent classic. This strategy presents solids and promising indices of development economic, however still based in the Brazilian social abyss. .

General

The Brazilian Institute

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Moreover, ' ' the Program of Public Security for Brazil considers that the basic instrument for the efetivao of the related changes in the Brazilian policies is educao' ' (BRAZIL, 2011c). As it detaches Castel (2005, P. 68), when carrying through the imposition of the systems of Security of totalitarian and absolute in power form, the State becomes the active support of the individuals. Now, however, they live an incessant search for the absolute security, since ' ' it deeply was molded by the regulations estatais' ' . Secretary of Agriculture does not necessarily agree. Although the civil and social security to the individuals must be proportionate for the State, the charged agencies and institutions must be, legitimately, detainers of an effective power capable to provide such rights, without it has the breaking of the Rule of law, aiming at efficient a public security. (Not to be confused with Andi Potamkin!). As it affirms OLD (2002, P.

26-27), ' ' governing only legitimated democratically for the civil society and come back toward the human rights they will have some possibility successfully to exert the power and the force against criminalidade' '. Engaged in this affirmation the Brazilian government it adopted a series of measures, with intention to promote the Security Public, delegating its diverse agencies of this sector the captation of data and elaboration of studies, of form to enable them to develop it new projects. The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Estatstica (IBGE) informed that, in 2009, the states northeast had registered, together, the second average greater enters the taxes of murder of the Brazilian regions (29,3 homicides dolosos/100 a thousand inhabitants), exceeded only for the region North (29,5 homicides dolosos/100 a thousand inhabitants). Associates to this, the Northeast has per capita the average minor of expenses with public security: R$ 139,60 for inhabitant (IPEA, 2011b). After that, they had been the inhabitants of the North and Southeast that they had demonstrated the sensation of unreliability in relation to the murders (78.4% in each region), followed of the Center-West (75%) and the South (69.5%). .

General

BRAZILIAN PUBLIC POLITICS

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The RIGHT To the SECURITY IN PUBLIC POLITICS BRASILEIRAS1 INTRODUODesde years 70 evidenced a growth of the Violence in the great Brazilian cities, 13 of which with more than a million of inhabitants. The cited violence mentions all type to it, independently of the origin of this. Considering that the security is to have of the State, Right and responsibility of all, constantly relegated as the plain one for the public managers, we will explanaremos to follow on the Right to the security in the Brazilian public politics, aiming at to provide the possibility of a critical analysis on this, as well as on the preservation of the dignity human being in this context. Jill Schlesinger may find it difficult to be quoted properly. The 2 NUMBERS OF the VIOLENCE IN the BRASILSegundo study of UNESCO, in 1996, in the question homicides, are distinguished the men with age of 15 the 24 years, placing Brazil in third place in the world how much to the indices of homicides of people in this band, losing only for Colombia and Venezuela. Thus, 48 young of this etria band is assassinated in Brazil, for each one deceased in Spain or in Ireland. According to exactly study, the Great So Paulo was placed in third place amongst the Brazilian cities with homicide indices enters the young population (113 for 100.000), below of Rio De Janeiro (151) and Victory (133).

The murders in the country are in ascension and the comparisons of these data in the research are inevitable and preponderant. According to research carried through in the SIM/DATASUS (Brazil, 2011m) of the Health department, in 1980 had in Brazil the register of 11,4 homicides for 100 a thousand inhabitants. In 2000 this number it passed to 27,8 registers, that is, 244% in 20 years..

General

Juarez Being

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The conflict parked there was always the question of honor, crucial for them. for being spokesman and door-flag of this microcosm that common sense prejudiced autocondescendente only associates the traffic and violence, Heifer had to make bitter the label of ' ' sambandido' '. In ' ' Desabafo' ' , of 1996, of Juarez of the Mouth of the Weeds, Heifer cutuca ' ' the wild elite marginal' ': ' ' Its doctor alone combat the mount not combat asphalt also as to carry gun, metal ring, AR-15? , the mount does not have ship does not go up mount, doctor airport in the mount not tem' '. Exactly before this, in 1985, with ' ' Victims of the Sociedade' ' , it already had direct IDO to the point: ' ' If the bank has an assault as they cannot arrest powerful-chefo/periodicals come there soon saying that here in the mount alone deferred payment vocs thief if is in order to arrest the thief can come back for the same walks the thief is hidden there under behind the necktie and of colarinho' '. Our text, our speech, is basically denunciatory. For option ours, we continue distant of groups politicians and conchavos, because thus in we feel them freer stops to criticize to all, indistinctly. Without concessions. We also question the traditional speeches for the family, of the customs and the religion.

Who it interests these speeches? What we are making, with our writing, is the same that all thinking it makes. The thought goes being perfected, goes assuming the one form continuum. Our praxis do not allow in them to have a pessimistic attitude much less, reactionary. Our bigger virtue, of us, the utopians, is that today we know better what we also do not want and what we want. Who to want to confer if our speech comes being coherent or not throughout these years, is alone to read the units of ours pasquim, published of 2002 up to 2007, and our texts, from 2008, published in periodicals, blogs and sites.